(Speech delivered at Siliman University, Dumaguete City, on March
9, 1967; sponsored by the Beta Sigma Fraternity.)

THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT has too often been vilified
wittingly and unwittingly as being unconcerned about current
domestic issues and being concerned exclusively with questions of
foreign policy.

It is our task to show that standard issues of the day such as
graft and corruption, high prices, and crime and violence among
others are concrete manifestations of the essential errors of our
neo-colonial status, our national subordination to the ruling
policies imposed upon us by foreign and feudal exploiters in our

At this stage, it is a fact that nationalists or national
democrats in their attempt to stress the fundamental roots of
social inequities have spoken in generalities that the petty-
minded or colonial-minded try to misrepresent as having no
concrete basis.

It should always be stated strongly that the general causes of
the suffering of our people are objectively observed in the chain
of symptoms and in the chain of concrete reality that we see from
day to day. It is our task to observe and list the concrete facts
and issues of our national life, such as graft and corruption,
high prices, crime and violence, unemployment, poverty,
malnourishment, ill-education and ill-health; and from all these,
we proceed to our general conclusions and to the basic causes if
we plan to take national and fundamental action towards their

We employ generalization only to stress what is fundamental on a
national scale or on an international scale. But it should be our
task to relate what is general and essential to the concrete
facts observed from one locality to another and from short period
to short period. In other words, to know and say that the
strategic problems of our nation are imperialism and feudalism
entails a prior perceptual knowledge of those specific or
concrete problems which appear at first as merely the
responsibility of this or that particular political party or
administration, or of this or that particular person. It is the
task of objective and scientific analysis to determine the
relationship between the particular facts and such general terms
as imperialism and feudalism, or any other generalization.

We are bound by historical and objective conditions larger than
anyone of us or any subjective aggrupation of men. No amount of
preaching and individual or sectarian crusading will ever succeed
if social inequities such as those we have mentioned are mere
particular characteristics or symptoms of such a large historical
and objective phenomenon as foreign and feudal domination. We
have to develop on a general scale the large objective forces of
national democracy that can effectively contend with the large
objective forces of imperialism and feudalism.

In this discussion we have chosen only three of the standard
issues of the day which frequently grace the front pages of our
metropolitan newspapers. These are graft and corruption, high
prices, and crime and violence which are often superficially said
to be the issues or problems larger and more pressing than the
basic problems that are imperialism and feudalism.

Graft and Corruption

Let us take the issue and problem of graft and corruption. It has
become the traditional basis for throwing out or retaining a
political party or person in public office. Generally, however,
despite our moral pronouncements about honesty, we have only
perpetuated a system wherein the conservative political parties
play what we call an in-and-out confidence game on our people.
Whatever party gets in goes out later, but only after
perpetrating graft and corruption, perpetuating a malevolent
tradition of graft and corruption. Why is there so much lack of
uprightness and integrity?

It is not enough to seek the help of God for light or to dismiss
the problem as a mystery or to blame the erring officials as
inherently crooked or simply opportunist, as suggested by the
cliche “To err is human”. What is needed is a scientific analysis
of the objective situation, of the entire system which gives rise
to graft and corruption in the magnitude and regularity that we
today observe. If we look around, we should know very well (from
first-hand accounts of people who have gone there) that the
People’s Republic of China has successfully eliminated the
problem of graft and corruption that had characterized the
Kuomintang regime of Chiang Kai-shek and which had inflamed the
Chinese people against the regime. The experience of the People’s
Republic of China shows that it is humanly possible to eliminate
graft and corruption or to reduce it to the degree of
exceptionality or abnormality. In the United States, big-time
contract-pulling persists and more sophisticated ways of making
quick money have been developed by the military-industrial
complex and by the big bosses of the capitalist parties. Retired
military officers and men of political influence are hired by the
big corporations to expedite war contracts with the government:
the irregular is made so regular that it no longer looks

The problem of graft and corruption in the Philippines dates back
to colonial times. If the colonial officials bought or incurred
great expense to acquire their appointments in Madrid and in
Manila, they would certainly commit graft and corruption to
recoup their investment; read Rizal’s essays and novels to
confirm this statement. As in our own neocolonial times, leaders
have to spend so much to run for office, the precondition for
graft and corruption is perpetuated and, what is more serious,
honest and genuine leaders of the masses are excluded from such
office because they do not enjoy the financial support that the
political representatives of the landlord class and foreign
vested interests enjoy.

Because of the scarcity of opportunity for the people in colonial
and neocolonial times, the government and the officials in turn
become mere dispensers of privileges. To have a job, which should
be a normal right of every citizen, is itself a privilege. Even
within the middle social strata, such is the case; the bright
boys and the mediocre ones in the middle class readily become the
political agents and clerks of the ruling class. They have to
conform to the exploitative system or else suffer the
consequences for taking a different course of action or line of

The formal right of having a means of livelihood, the principle
of freedom from want, has become a granted privilege in this
society. The imperialists, compradors, bureaucrats and landlords
are the selfish source of privilege, including the “privilege” of
having a job. Don’t they always say that they create and provide
the jobs to us and they do not even mention the fact that they
exploit us?

Now, as in colonial times, there is a system that does not only
prevent the equal allocation of limited resources and means but
also prevent development in accordance with our national needs.
The interests of a vested few – the foreign and feudal exploiters
– dictate the policies and actions of the government and
officials, and are opposed to the interests of the broad masses
of our people.

The government is made to function only as the mere executive
committee of foreign and feudal exploiters. This has come about
because our political life has been narrowed down by force of
arms or by the state power of the ruling classes to an internal
competition of its shifting factions, those political parties
maintained and financed by the vested interests in the country.
The elections of today are essentially similar to the elections
of the principalia of colonial times; the only large difference,
of course, is that elections today are conducted on a grander and
noisier scale, Madison Avenue style; and on the mere pretense
that the populace is being given the chance to make a genuine

But considering the fact that only the parties of the status quo
like the NP and LP, including the PPP, prevail and that a genuine
working class party has always been restricted from enjoying
political freedom within the system, can it not be said that a
class dictatorship actually exists in our country, a class
dictatorship of imperialist agents, compradors and landlords who
manipulate, to uphold their narrow class interests, the
prevailing political parties to give us the mere illusion of
democratic choice? The question in point is: Can the masses of
our people truly make use of elections and other political
methods provided us by the system to discipline miscreant
government officials and eliminate graft and corruption?

We know for a fact that the greatest opportunity for graft and
corruption presents itself in the breach between the government
and the private business sector, especially the foreign monopoly
firms and the local compradors. Contracts with private entities
involving appropriation of public funds or government approval
provide the opportunity for graft and corruption. Again, in the
breach between two private entities vying for a government
contract or approval, the corrupt bureaucrat gains another
opportunity for making a fast buck under the table.

It is in the development of the private capitalist sector that
graft and corruption has grown in the same way it grew in
colonial times, as shown by the example of Capitan Tiago, Quiroga
and Don Timoteo Pelaez in Rizal’s master novels – characters who
symbolize the emerging cash relations in the womb of feudal
society. Whereas graft and corruption can occur both between a
public entity and a private entity, and between one private
entity and another private entity, it cannot occur in the gap
between one public entity and another public entity where public
documents and public property can easily be checked and verified
not only by the government officials themselves but by a
political party of a new type that truly represents the interests
of the masses and most importantly, by the masses themselves who
have a high revolutionary consciousness.

Our proposal then is to change the entire system and make the
public sector the leading factor in the command and development
of our capital resources, in order to remove the malfeasance that
attends the appropriation of public funds and in order to
consolidate and direct our resources most effectively for
accelerated economic growth. Moreover, we propose that in order
to guarantee public control for the public sector, a new kind of
politics, a new type of national democracy under the leadership
of the working class, should prevail.

Those who would be the first to oppose the revolutionary
transformation of our society and the strengthening of our public
sector as the leading factor in the command and development of
our capital resources are certainly those interested in the
perpetuation of a colonial type of economy and a colonial type of

They are afraid that the public sector, if strengthened and
rationalizes its investments towards industrialization, with the
necessary support of the working class party and the masses,
would be an instrument that can break the imperialist, comprador
and landlord hold on the economy. They prefer to have their “free
enterprise”, meaning to say, the rapacity of corrupt bureaucrats,
the foreign monopolists and the landlords.

What we are proposing is the strengthening of the public sector
with the broadening of democracy to the extent that the public
sector is the principal factor in our national development, and
not merely secondary to the private sector which in turn is
controlled as it is now by the foreign and feudal exploiters of
this society.

The public sector is certain to take a leading role as the
corrupt politics of the reactionary parties is replaced by
national democratic politics. The organized masses under the
leadership of the working class share and assume power and
effectively check on the integrity and performance of public

High Prices

Let us take the issue and problem of high prices. The subject
cannot be seriously discussed without considering the colonial
and agrarian character of our economy and its subordination to
U.S. imperialism. The current rise in prices can only be
understood within this context.

It is certainly dishonest for our colonial-minded leaders not to
acknowledge the disastrous results of the full and sudden
decontrol of 1962. Decontrol doubled the peso equivalent of the
dollar in the open market, thus automatically depressing the
value of the peso. This is one imperialist debauchery of our

Our national industrialists now have to pay more for imported
capital goods, fuel, raw materials and spare parts replacements.
With the resulting increase of the cost of production, some firms
have been so hard hit that they have had to fold up while others
have had to raise their prices in order to survive. In the course
of the weakening of the peso, Filipino firms have been easily
taken over by foreign firms. Otherwise, they are simply crushed
by the foreign monopolies.

With the increase of the prices of the commodities that they buy
and the resulting depression of their real wages, the workers
have to demand an adjustment of their money wages. The hiking of
the wage level in turn increases the costs of production and, the
vicious cycle of capitalism, the capitalist must pass on the cost
increment to the mass of consumers, leaving the workers with the
same or even much lower real wages. The problem of high prices
assails the vast majority of our people who have a low
fluctuating income or a low fixed income.

Inflation in the Philippines has resulted from the consistent
breakdown of local production in both national industry and
agriculture. This in reality does not conform with the Keynesian
notion that higher prices reflect higher production. This is the
irony of a neocolony that must perforce be subject to
developments in the imperialist metropolis.

In agriculture, the glaring irony has occurred. We are an
agricultural country and yet we cannot produce sufficient food
for our people. The Laurel-Langley Agreement has perpetuated the
colonial character of the economy by the terms of preferential
trade which favor a raw-material export and a finished-product
import trade relations. This is because our landlords have been
carried away by the attractive price of sugar extended by the
United States and they have turned from production of staples to
sugar production. Within the domestic market, even the price of
sugar has risen for local consumers because the bulk of it has
been exported without consideration of local needs.

Our government is so servile to U.S. imperialism that it has
allowed U.S. agro-corporations to take over thousands of hectares
of good agricultural lands in Cotabato and elsewhere for the
production of pineapple, banana, and other fruits. This has also
resulted in the decrease of ricelands in the second most
important rice-growing area in the country.

In the U.S. an inflation is going on as a result of massive
military spending in the Vietnam war and other forms of deficit
spending by the U.S. government. And because we depend so much on
manufactures from the U.S., due to lack of industries in our own
country, we automatically import the inflation from the U.S. We
have to pay more for U.S. goods. The reactionary government also
has to get U.S. loans at more onerous terms only to cover
artificially the chronic deficit in the colonial exchange of
Philippine raw materials and U.S. finished manufactures.

The Vietnam war has caused the upward spiral of prices in the
United States. Men are drafted for the non-productive work of
fighting a war and receiving pay for it. Basic materials are
being diverted from consumer goods production to the production
of war materials like bombs, chemicals, military vehicles,
construction materials, fuel and the like. These materials have
become more expensive because of the high demand from the war
industry. Thus, commodities from the United States have become
expensive in the Philippines.

We observe that in the Philippines itself, as in many other
client-states of the United States, men and materials are being
stimulated by higher prices towards the Vietnam war. To cite an
instance, if Philippine cement is massively exported to Vietnam,
the cost of constructing houses here would rise; the rent for
apartment houses would also rise as it is rising now. Also, the
expenditure of P35 million and more for the Philippine puppet
expeditionary force to Vietnam because of subservience to U.S.
policies weakens the internal capacity of the reactionary
government to look after the welfare and security of our people.

We can very well see that U.S. imperialist policies are basically
responsible for the specific problem of higher prices.

Turning to the basic problem of feudalism, its perpetuation means
the continued depression of the purchasing power of the peasant
masses. Because of class oppression and backward methods,
Philippine agriculture is not providing adequate food for the
people. Because of imperialism, Philippine agriculture is not
providing raw materials for local industries. Landlords
constantly engage in luxury spending and this also tends to jack
up prices. The whole feudal problem is sustained by imperialist

The need to vigorously pursue national industrialization in order
to provide jobs to the masses of our people is urgent.

By it, we shall provide jobs for our people and they shall be
afforded the chance to buy the products of their own labor. In
the long run, the unrestricted industrial development of our
economy will reduce the prices of commodities. If basic land
reform is used to support national industrialization, our peasant
masses reaching 70 per cent of our population will be able to buy
the products of our industries with their increased purchasing
power. Our peasant masses would be providing adequate food and
raw materials that serve as the basis for national

National industrialization and basic land reform are the main
economic demands of the national democratic movement.

Only the public sector backed up and determined by the organized
workers, peasants, students and other patriotic segments of our
population can lead in the achievement of national
industrialization and land reform. We cannot depend on foreign
investors for these; it is futile to do so as our experience in
the last six decades tells us – four decades under direct
imperialist rule and two decades under indirect imperialist rule.
A small amount of capital is invested in quick profit areas by
U.S. firms, oftentimes from our own credit facilities, and in a
period of even as short as one year, super-profits squeezed from
Filipino labor and from the mass of consumers are already flowing
out of the country. U.S. investments always carry with them the
curse of super-profit remittances which have plagued and
restricted the growth of the Philippine economy. Consider the
huge amount of capital that the oil firms, Caltex and Esso, are
taking out of the country; consider the danger of placing control
of such a vital commodity as oil in the hands of foreigners. By
this commodity alone, the U.S. controls the motion and prices of
all goods in this country.

Crime and Violence

Let us take up the issue and problem of crime and violence.
Smuggling, gambling, juvenile delinquency and prostitution,
robbery, theft and homicide are rampant today. Their widespread
presence is condemnable. But it is futile to preach about them if
we do not make a systematic study of them and subsequently take
critical and constructive action. It is also futile merely to do
police work on the culprits. We have to attack the roots within
the system which gives rise to all this malevolence.

Smuggling occurs in its pure form on our coastlines; in many
instances, smugglers get their contraband through with the
connivance of the PC and other armed apparatuses of the state. In
its so-called technical form, the imported goods are undervalued
or misdeclared at the customs area in order to avoid the payment
of taxes. This is subversion of the economy systematically done
with the connivance of the highest officials. The imperialist
supplier of the smuggled goods, which includes the businessmen
and their government, refuses to comply with the requirement of a
shipper’s export declaration for purposes of checking the amount
and kind of goods being imported into our country and also
refuses to check on his side the use of boats for “pure”
smuggling. As a matter of fact, the imperialist supplier connives
with obvious smugglers who arrange the transport of goods by
surreptitious means.

Smuggling intensified as a result of the full and immediate
decontrol of 1962 which deprived the reactionary government of
the right to control foreign exchange for purposes of proper
allocation and industrial priority. With dollars now freely in
the hands of private entities, their misuse for quick profit
operations like smuggling and real estate speculation could be
made. The policy of decontrol was adopted as a result of U.S.
imperialist pressures so that the foreign monopolies could
destroy our local industrial gains, remit their super-profits and
maintain a high rate of profit for their industries at home or
their local subsidiaries. Under the guise of solving graft and
corruption in dollar allocations at the Central Bank, the U.S.
imperialists and their local agents agitated for decontrol; but
graft and corruption merely shifted to the Bureau of Customs and
to police agencies in even greater volume. The worst effects, of
course, have been the sabotage of our economy and the massive
outflow of much needed capital in the form of huge profit
remittances by U.S. firms and of luxury spending by their
landlord and comprador agents.

At the upper rungs of our society, we see the corruption and
decadence based on over-affluence amidst public want. To tide
them over their boredom in a sea of mass poverty and to satisfy
their distorted sense of values, our wealthy businessmen,
politicians and evil gentry engage in maintaining queridas, in
gambling, and in lavish banquets. Subsequently, juvenile
delinquency even among their well-provided children results from
the moral breakdown of the home and from their general exposure
to the decadent values of imperialist culture which plays up sex
and violence, as you will note from current American movies and
other cultural vehicles, which are the fetishes of the wealthy.
Despite the preachiness of their religious pretensions, their
exclusive Catholic school upbringing, they fall flat on their
faces morally; they come out as split personalities of the worst
cultural complex, that of imperialist and feudal decadence in our
semi-colonial and semi-feudal society.

Murder and methods of fraud and terrorism have also characterized
our political life. The stakes among our corrupt politicians are
control and private appropriation of public funds, maintenance of
queridas and relatives on government sinecures, expansion of
private businesses through special government privileges,
maintenance of vice dens and control of coastlines for smuggling,
to cite only a few items that are the crimes of the rich. These
comprise the adult delinquency of our so-called statesmen. The
magnitude and malignance of this delinquency makes the juvenile
delinquency of their children look puny and awkward.

Prostitution, juvenile delinquency in slums, robbery, theft,
killings for lack of appreciation of or inability to use the
present channels of justice are correctly described as crimes of
poverty. We may pass the strictest laws to discourage their
commission; but so long as there is no change in the material
basis for their occurrence, we shall continue to suffer these
crimes of poverty.

Young women from the rural and city slums are annually misled
into a life of shame on the false promise of decent jobs or by
the sheer lack of the chance to exist decently. Prostitution is
the fetishism of any exploitative social system; woman is
degraded into the status of mere commodity, the way labor is
regarded in this exploitative society.

The vast majority of our people are caught between the stagnation
of feudal conditions and the insufficiency of modern
opportunities for employment in our neocolonial situation.
Robbery and theft are generally forms of spontaneous retaliation
by the dispossessed against those who have excessive possessions.

Killings for various reasons at the lower rungs of our society
are related to crimes involving property or the alienation of so
many people from the moral values that are preached by the ruling
classes which at the same time employs legal or illegal means to
violate them. Make a study of the records of our brothers in
jails and penitentiaries to confirm the general causes of their
crimes which at first appear as personal in character.

Of course, it is foolhardy to condone crimes of poverty. But it
is simply hypocritical to make any condemnation without
understanding the objective causes actually larger and more
compelling than the individual culprit.

We are living in a society where our foreign and feudal
exploiters do not only provide us with backward, conflicting and
alienated values but also restrict our own efforts to develop the
forces of national and social progress and the material
conditions necessary for a more democratic and nobler existence
and culture for all.

The national democratic movement stands for the liberation of our
nation and also the liberation of the oppressed Filipino masses.
The exploitation of one nation by another nation and of man by
man or one class by another gives rise to a chain of iniquities
that should never be posed in isolation of their root causes if
we truly stand for the freedom, creativity and dignity of man.

Discussion guide on the 2012 SUC budget

Labanan ang budget cuts sa edukasyon at serbisyo!

August 2011

Mula sa Facebook acocunt ni G. Vencer Crisostomo, Pambansang Tagapangulo ng Anakbayan.

Muli na namang kinaltasan ng administrasyong Noynoy Aquino ang pondo ng mga state universities and colleges (SUCs) sa budget proposal nito sa Kongreso para sa susunod na taon.

Sa P1.816 trilyong pondo sa National Expenditure Program (NEP) 2012, P21.8 bilyon ang ilalaan para sa mga SUCs, mas mababa sa P22.03 bilyong naipasa noong 2011.

Kabi-kabilang kaltas

Matapos kaltasan ng mahigit P1 bilyon ang operations budget ng mga pamantasan noong nakaraang taon, limampung SUC ang may pinagsama-samang kaltas na P569.8 milyon sa mga kabuuang pondo nito para sa 2012.

Apatnapu’t-limang paaralan ang kinaltasan ng maintenance and other operating expenses (MOOE) ng  P250.9 milyon. Dapat ay awtomatikong tataas ang pondo para sa Personal Services (PS) dahil sa isinabatas na pagtataas ng sweldo ng mga kawani ng pamahalaan. Sa halip, kinaltasan pa nga ng PS ang 58 na mga pamantasan na aabot sa P403.3 milyon.

Ang mga bahagyang tumaas ang alokasyon ay napakaliit naman ng idinagdag. Sa marami, ni hindi mababawi ang kinaltas na pondo noong nakaraang taon at napakalayo din sa aktwal na pangangailangan ng mga pamantasan. Wala pa sa kalahati ng mga mungkahing pondo ng mga SUCs ang inapruba ng DBM.

Sa kabila ng bulok na mga gusali, pasilidad at napakaraming mga hindi na maaccomodate na mga mag-aaral sa mga SUCs, nanatiling wala kahit isang kusing na inilaan ang gubyerno para sa capital outlay o paggawa ng bagong mga gusali at mga klasrum.

Patuloy ng pagpapabaya at pagkokomersyalisa

Matatandaang kinaltasan na ng gubyernong Aquino ang pondo para sa SUCs noong nakaraang taon. Ang panukala nito na P1.1 bilyon na kaltas sa MOOE ng mga pamantasan ay hinarap ng pambansang strike ng mga mag-aaral, guro, at administrador ng mga SUCs. Dahil sa sama-samang pagkilos, naibalik ang ilang bahagi ng pondong kinaltas.

Ang panibagong pagkaltas sa pondo ay pagpapatuloy ng patakaran ng pagpapababa ng pondo ng mga SUCs at edukasyon, pag-aabandona ng gubyerno sa tungkulin nitong pag-aralin ang mamamayan. Kasabay ng pagkakaltas ng pondo, itinutulak ang komersyalisasyon: pagtaas ng mga bayarin at pagpapapasan nito sa mamamayan.

Simula 2001, bumaba ang tunay na halaga ng alokasyon ng gubyerno sa SUCs mula P15.6 milyon tungong P14 milyon noong 2010. Sa kabila ito ng paglaki ng mga mag-aaral sa SUCs at pagdami ng mga programa.

Sa nakaraang mga taon, pababa ng pababa ang bahagdan ng inilalaang pondo ng gubyerno para sa pagpapaandar ng SUCs. Noong 2000, 87.74% ng pondo ng SUCs ay galing sa gubyerno, nasa 66.31% na lamang ito noong 2011.

Nasa SUCs ang mahigit 40% ng mga estudyante sa kolehiyo dahil na rin sa taas ng matrikula sa mga pribadong paaralan.

Tumataas naman ang kinikita ng mga SUC’s mula sa tuition at iba’t ibang mga bayarin. Mula sa kabuuang P1.5 billion isang dekada ang nakararaan, aabot ito sa mahigit-kumulang P7.7 billion sa 2011, ayon sa projection ng gobyerno. Ito ay bubuo sa mahigit 22.1% ng kabuuang budget ng mga SUC’s mula sa 8.3% lamang noong 2001.

Matatandaang noong 2006, nagtaas ang tuition fee ng UP nang 300%, na umaabot na ngayon ang matrikula sa mahigit P40,000 kada taon, mas mataas pa sa ilang malalaking private schools. Dagdag pa dito ang mga iskema ng komersyalisasyon at pagtataas ng matrikula gaya ng STFAP. Kaya naman kahit sa 3,826 na nakapasa sa UPCAT ngayong 2011, 1,300 o nasa 1/3 ay hindi nakapag-enroll sa UP Diliman.

Kasabay na itinulak ang pagtataas ng mga bayarin sa iba pang mga SUC sa buong bansa. Noong Marso 2010, tinangka ng administrasyon ng PUP na magtaas ng matrikula ng mahigit 2000% na pinigil ng mga protesta ng mga mag-aaral.

Itutulak ng higit na pagtataas ng mga bayarin ang pagdami ng mga hindi makakatapos o makakatungtong man lamang sa kolehiyo. Lalo nitong ipagkakait sa mas maraming kabataan ang karapatang makapag-aral. Ngayon pa lamang, 14% lamang ng mga pumapasok ng elementarya ang makakatapos ng kolehiyo.

Ang programang ito ay itinulak mismo ni Aquino sa kanyang budget message para sa 2011: “the government aims to gradually reduce subsidy to SUCs… (to) push them toward becoming self-sufficient and financially independent.”

Kung tutuusin, labag ito sa nakasaad sa Article XIV, Section 1 ng konstitusyon na nagsasaad na “The State shall protect and promote the right of all citizens to quality education at all levels and shall take appropriate steps to make such education accessible to all.”

Kapos na pondo para sa DepEd

Habang kinakaltasan ang pondo ng SUCs, kapos na kapos naman ang pondong idinagnag sa DepEd na P238.8 billion. Kulang pa ito ng mahigit P300 bilyon kung susundin ang rekomendasyon ng UN na 6% ng GDP, at kulang na kulang para matugunan ang kakulangan sa mga pasilidad at guro.

Malaking bahagi ng idinagdag na nasa P30 bilyon mula sa dating P207.3 billion ay awtomatikong mapupunta sa pagpapatupad ng isinabatas na dagdag-sweldo, at hindi makabuluhan ang maidadagdag na mga klasrum, guro at pasilidad. Nananatiling mas mababa sa P7 kada isang araw ang tunay na halaga ng per capita spending ng pamahalaan para sa edukasyon.

Dahil hindi sasapat ang pondo, lalong sasahol pa ang kalagayan ng edukasyon sa pagpapatupad ng gubyerno sa dagdag ng taon sa kinder at elementarya. Ang pangakong magdadagdag ng pondo para sa dagdag taon ay hindi totoo kung titignan ang badyet.

Mahigit P1.9 bilyon lamang ang idadagdag para sa “universal kinder” gayong aabot sa P18 bilyon kung tutuusin ang kailangan para magkaroon ng guro ang 2.3 milyong inaasahang papasok. Aabot lamang sa 13,000 na bagong guro ang target ng gubyerno gayong nasa 103,000 ang kakulangan. Nasa 45,231 lamang ang mga gagawin na klasrum, kasama na ang irerehabilitate, gayong 152,000 ang kulang.

Sa bagong upuan, 2.53 milyon ang target, malayo sa 13 milyon na kailangan. Habang sa libro, 45.5 milyon lamang ang target habang 95 milyon ang kulang.

Pagkaltas sa serbisyong pangkalusugan

Bukod sa edukasyon, binabarat din ang pondo ng mga ospital at serbisyong pangkalusugan. Ang P44.4 bilyon na inilaan sa serbisyong pangkalusugan ay lubhang napakaliit kumpara sa P90 bilyon na kailangan para lamang matugunan ang pinakapayak na mga pangangailangan ng mga ospital. Lalo pang maliit ito kung ikukumpara sa rekomendasyon ng World Health Organization (WHO) na 5% ng GNP o nasa P440 bilyon.

Tuloy-tuloy na kinakaltasan ang MOOE ng labindalawang mga mayor na ospital na noong nakaraang taon ay kinaltasan na ng mahigit P70.8 milyon. Ang pondo para sa 55 na ospital ay binawasan noong nakaraang taon ay mahigit P363.7 million. Walang makabuluhang dagdag sa MOOE ngayong taon at may kaltas pa nga ng Personal Services sa mga ospital. Kung ikukumpara ang MOOE ng mga ospital noong 2010 sa kasalukuyang proposal para sa 2012, mas mababa ito ng mahigit P1.1 bilyon.

Sa kabila ng kakulangan sa mga ospital ay wala nang Capital Outlay na inilaan para sa serbisyong pangkalusugan.

Sa halip, ang dinagdagan ay ang pondo ng PhilHealth at mga insurance, mula P3.5 bilyon hanggang P12 bilyon – signal ng higit na pagtutulak sa pribitisasyon ng serbisyong pangkalusugan at pagpapabaya na ng gubyerno sa responsibilidad nito sa serbisyong pangkalusugan.

Prayoridad sa militar, dayuhan at korapsyon

Habang walang pondo para sa mga paaralan at ospital, napakalaki naman ng pondong inilalaan para sa pambayad-utang panlabas, militar, dole-out at kurakot.

Nasa P357 billion ang nakalaan para sa interest payments ngayong taon. Noong 2011, tumaas ito ng makasaysayang P80.9 billion. Sa kabuuan, P738.57 bilyon o higit 40% ng budget ay nakalaan sa bayad-utang panlabas.

Ang nakalaan sa Department of National Defense mula sa P104.7 bilyon noong 2011, ay tumaas na naman sa P107.9 bilyon ngayong taon.

Napakalaki din ng idinagdag sa pondo para sa conditional cash transfer funds (CCT) dole-outs na umabot na sa P39.5 billion mula Php10.9 billion lamang noong 2010 at P29.2-billion noong 2011.

Ang pondo para sa public-private partnership (PPP) na ipapabuya sa malalaking negosyo ay aabot sa  P22.1 bilyon mula sa P15 bilyon noong nagdaang taon.

Tumaas din ang pork barrel ng mga senador at kongresista: P24.8 billion para sa 2012 mula sa P24.6 billion noong 2011. Dinagdagan na ito ng P10.9 billion noong nakaraang taon. Ang unprogrammed funds o pork barrel na presidente ay tumaas mula P66 bilyon tungong P161 bilyon para 2012. Bahagi nito ang P2.6 bilyon na “intelligence funds” ng presidente.

Ipaglaban ang mas mataas na pondo para sa edukasyon, kalusugan at serbisyo!

Dapat pigilan ng nagkakaisang lakas ng kabataan at mamamayan ang mga kaltas pondong ito sa edukasyon at serbisyong panlipunan at igiit ang sapat na pondo. Pakilusin natin ang pinakamarami at pinakamalawak na hanay ng mga mag-aaral, guro, adminstrador at mga magulang para sa mas mataas na subsidyo para sa mamamayan, para sa karapatan sa edukasyon at serbisyo, at laban sa komersyalisasyon.

Kalampagin natin ang mga kinatawan sa Kongreso at Senado na ibasura ang mungkahing kaltas sa badyet at sa halip irechannel ang pondo ng bayad-utang, militar at kurakot sa pondo sa serbisyo para sa mamamayan.

Dapat labanan ang tunguhin at patakaran ng lalong pagkakait ng mga serbisyong panlipunan para paboran ang dayuhan at negosyo.

Tinatawagan ang lahat na palawakin ang pagkakaisa, patindihin ang paglaban. Ilunsad ang mga sama-samang pagkilos, mga martsa, pangangalampag, walk-out at strikes para labanan ang budget cuts at igiit ang mas magandang kinabukasan para sa kabataan at demokratikong karapatan ng nakararaming mamamayan.

Labanan ang budget cuts! Ipaglaban ang mas mataas na alokasyon sa edukasyon at serbisyong panlipunan!

Ilang sanggunian:

DBM NEP 2012 http://www.dbm.gov.ph/index.php?pid=9&xid=30&id=1453

DBM GAA 2011 http://www.dbm.gov.ph/index.php?pid=8&xid=28&id=1364

Komparatibong datos na isinaayos ng Kabataan Partylist at Philippine Collegian

Aquino Budget Message http://www.gov.ph/2011/07/26/president-aquinos-2012-budget-message/

2012 Proposed Budget Highlights http://bit.ly/q6cp1K

PNoy seeks largesse in 2012 budget | ABS-CBN News http://bit.ly/r3PVVE

Discussion Guide on the 2011 Education Budget http://bit.ly/o8rpYE

State Universities & Colleges Budget Briefer 2011 – Kabataan Partylist http://bit.ly/nFru6D

An ‘unhealthy’ proposal: Aquino to cut budget for health services http://bit.ly/n8p43w

2011 DepEd Budget Briefer – Kabataan Partylist http://scr.bi/krExQE

Message of solidarity and appreciation for the AGITPROP International Film Festival

International League of Peoples’ Struggle

On behalf of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle, I wish to express warmest greetings of solidarity to the organizers, the film makers and all participants in the AGITPROP International Film Festival.

For their success in organizing the festival, we congratulate the Southern Tagalog eXposure, Mayday Multimedia, Tudla productions, KODAO productions and all the cooperating multimedia and cultural groups.

We welcome and appreciate the AGITPROP film festival as a highly significant contribution to the growing international solidarity movement of the people along the anti-imperialist and democratic line. It provides a venue for a wide range of films that present the dismal social realities and the aspirations of the people of the world for greater freedom, democracy, social justice and all-round development.

Today, the movies that dominate the international film industry conceal or obscure the realities that are laid bare by the films in AGITPROP. They serve only as a tool to distract and bend the consciousness of the people towards subservience to the dictates of imperialism and reaction. This is also true in the case of other cultural art forms that inundate the mainstream media.

Since more than a century ago, US imperialism has used culture, the arts and the mass media to help maintain and expand its power, to manipulate the consciousness of the people and draw them away from resistance. For this purpose, it has propagated decadent bourgeois culture and values that are distinctively colonial, feudal, patriarchal, selfish, racist and fascist.

In recent decades, the US imperialists have systematically generated a culture of greed under the policy of neoliberal globalization and a culture of repression and aggression under the policy of global war of terror. They have misrepresented the forces and people that oppose and fight against imperialist plunder and war as terrorists, enemies of democracy and development and have targeted them for suppression.

US imperialism is the No. 1 terrorist, exploiter and oppressor of the world. The global economic and financial crisis that is ravaging the world today is rooted in the drive of the monopoly capitalists for superprofits at the expense of the people. We can expect the crisis to become worse, inflict more suffering on the people and incite them to struggle for their own national and social liberation

In this context, the AGITPROP festival plays an important role. It shows us the way to counter cultural imperialism with revolutionary cultural work and advance the people’s struggle with the use of films and other art forms. These do not merely expose the bitter realities but they also constitute a direct action against imperialism and all the social ills that come with it.

We must have more AGITPROP festivals to inspire the artists, the cultural workers and the entire people to take the road of revolutionary resistance against imperialism and reaction.

Message of solidarity and inputs on Millenium Development Goals and the Convention on Cultural Diversity

On the occasion of the International Conference on Progressive Culture: People’s Art Shaping the Society of the Future, may I as chairperson of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle convey warmest greetings of solidarity from the League to all the participating artists, cultural workers and media practitioners from different parts of the world who are all engaged in anti-imperialist and democratic  movements  for fundamental change in their respective countries and milieus.

For their initiative and success in preparing and convening the conference, we congratulate all the participants, the Concerned Artists of the Philippines (CAP), the US-based Habi-Arts and the New York Committee for Human Rights in the Philippines (NYCHRP) and the member organizations of Commission 14 of the International League of Peoples Struggle in cooperation with the College of Mass Communication of the University of the Philippines.

We welcome and applaud the theme of the conference, “Cultural work as an integral part of the struggle of the peoples of the world against imperialism.” We are deeply pleased to observe that the  progressive artists, cultural workers and media practitioners have the opportunity to interface, share their ideas, experience and work, to discuss and clarify further the role of art, culture and media in the struggle for social change, to exhibit their works and to foster unity, networks and practical forms of cooperation.

I thank  the International Organizing Committee of the First International Conference on Progressive Culture for inviting me to recite my poem, “The Guerrilla Is Like a Poet”, and to make inputs on the Millennium Development Goals and its impact on arts and culture  and  the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of  Diverse Cultural Expressions or  in brief the Convention on Cultural Diversity.  These two documents may be discussed in relation to the neoliberal economic policy of imperialist plunder and to your concern on arts and culture.

The severe problems that the Millennium Development  Goals seek to address have been the consequence of relentless imperialist plunder, accelerated and aggravated by the neoliberal economic policy instigated by the US and known as the Washington Consensus.  They are subject matter involving the suffering of hundreds of  millions of people, mainly in the underdeveloped countries, who cry out for attention and expression by artists, cultural workers and media practitioners.

However,  the Millennium Development Goals do not call on them  for help and not one of the goals refers to arts and culture.  Since the declaration of these goals in 2000, under the baton of the imperialist countries, not any of these has had any significant direct and positive consequence to arts and culture.  And certainly the nonfulfillment of the goals and the aggravation of the economic and social problems provide rich raw material for the critical study and creative work by people involved in the arts and culture.

The  Millennium Development Goals are as follows: 1. to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, 2. to achieve universal primary education, 3. to promote gender equality and empower women, 4. to reduce child mortality rates, 5. to improve maternal health, 6. to combat HIV-AIDS, malaria and other diseases, 7. to ensure environmental sustainability and 8. to develop a global partnership for development.

The goals are supposed to be fully realized in 2015.   But they, together with all previous claims of success to some extent here and there, have always been overtaken by the worsening crisis of the world capitalist system and the local reactionary ruling system.  The problems sought to be solved have  been further exacerbated  and deepened.  In declaring these goals, the imperialist countries and the puppet regimes in the underdeveloped countries have been engaged essentially in a mere exercise of shedding crocodile tears and obfuscating the root causes of problems.

What the MDG identifies as the No. 1 problem, extreme poverty and hunger, well as the other problems are rooted in the global system of people’s exploitation and oppression by the imperialist powers and the reactionary ruling systems in the underdeveloped countries.  So long as imperialism and reaction persist, such goals as spelled out in the MDG cannot be solved but are in fact worsened in the underdeveloped countries under conditions of  chronic crisis and protracted global depression, relentless superprofit-taking by the multinational banks and firms,  rising rates of unemployment, soaring prices of basic goods and services and the plunder of the natural resources of the underdeveloped countries.

In this connection, I urge the artists, cultural workers and media practitioners to intensify their efforts to depict the suffering, demands and struggles of the people, denounce such root causes of poverty and underdevelopment as imperialism and reaction and contribute their best efforts to the arousal, organization and mobilization of the broad masses of the people, especially the toiling masses, for their own national and social liberation and for building a fundamentally new and better world of greater freedom, democracy, social justice, all-round development and world peace.

The Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions or the Convention on Cultural Diversity  was adopted by 148 member states at the UNESCO General Conference on 20 October 2005.  Since then, it has been ratified as a treaty by 116 member-states and the European Union. The Convention recognizes the rights of Parties to adopt and implement policies and  measures to protect and promote the diversity of cultural expressions, and impose obligations on the Parties at both domestic and international levels.

The key term “cultural expressions” is defined in Article 4.3 of the Convention as “those expressions that result from the creativity of individuals, groups and societies, and that have cultural content.” Cultural content refers to”the symbolic meaning, artistic dimension and cultural values that originate from or express cultural identities” (Article 4.2).

The general objectives of the Convention are as follows: 1. to reaffirm the sovereign right of States to adopt cultural policies while ensuring the free movement of ideas and works, 2. to recognize the distinct nature of cultural goods and services as vehicles of values, identity and meaning, 3. to define a new framework for international cultural cooperation, the keystone of the Convention, 4. to create the conditions for cultures to flourish and freely interact in a mutually beneficial manner, 5. to ensure that civil society plays a major role in the implementation of the Convention.

The Convention is supposed to ensure that artists, cultural professionals, practitioners and citizens worldwide can create, produce, disseminate and enjoy a broad range of cultural goods, services and activities, including their own. It has been considered as a  response to the growing pressure exerted on countries to waive their right to enforce cultural policies and to put all aspects of the cultural sector on the negotiating table under international trade agreements and to subordinate intellectual property rights to the commercial and profit-seeking of the multinational corporations.

The Convention recognizes: 1. the distinctive nature of cultural goods, services and activities as vehicles of identity, values and meaning; and 2.that while cultural goods, services and activities have important economic value, they are not mere commodities or consumer goods that can only be regarded as objects of trade.

The main objective  of the Convention is to uphold the sovereign right of States to adopt cultural policies that support their cultural industries. The Convention asserts and respects  the diversity of cultural expressions as cherished and treasured assets for individuals and societies. It therefore regards the protection, promotion and maintenance of cultural diversity as an essential requirement for sustainable development for the benefit of present and future generations.

Some commentators have considered the Convention as a breach on the neoliberal economic policy, on the WTO scheme to commodify and  make everything for sale and on the dominance of US cultural imperialism, especially Hollywood movies. The Convention seems to support the premise that cultural goods cannot be treated as mere commodities.

Articles 5 and 6  of the Convention grant nations the sovereign right to protect and promote the diversity of cultural expressions within their territory against the sweeping tide of neoliberal globalization. Article 8  recognizes that special situations may arise where cultural expressions (movies, music, magazines and other cultural industries) in a state’s territory are at risk of extinction, are under serious threat, or are otherwise in need of urgent safeguarding. In such cases, states parties may take all appropriate measures” to protect and preserve cultural expressions in a manner consistent with the provisions of the convention.

Article 18 sets up  International Fund for Cultural Diversity to be funded by voluntary contributions made by the Parties. But above all, the Convention assures governments of the right to favor domestic cultural activities, goods and services rather than a positive commitment to ensure minimum standards of protection or to allocate resources for the benefit of the artists, cultural workers and media practitioners.

The Convention has been interpreted as expression of the critical attitude of France and  Canada towards the dominance of American cultural goods.  Indeed,  the United States  together with Israel, has provided evidence of its own narrow self-interest by objecting  to the Convention, calling it a “deeply flawed, protectionist, and a threat to freedom of expression”.  This is the US way of pushing its ultra-national protectionist position under the cover of such slogans as the “free market” and the “free flow of ideas”.

The US has the least or no concern for different cultures flourishing in various countries. Its concern is about the protection of cultural industries going against US cultural dominance, which has been effected  through existing free trade rules and intellectual property rights under the WTO.  While it has not signed the Convention, the US has succeeded in pushing the second paragraph of Article 20 which stipulates that the Convention does not modify other treaties, especially the WTO and whole gamut of trade agreements.

In case of any conflict between the WTO and the UNESCO Convention on Cultural Diversity, US cultural imperialism can use WTO and subsidiary bilateral and multilateral trade agreements to its advantage.  Furthermore, the UNESCO Convention is binding only to those countries that ratify it.  The US has the upper hand in its competition with other imperialist powers and in compelling the underdeveloped countries to submit to US cultural imperialism.

I wish to admonish the participants of the International Conference on Progressive Culture to invoke and avail of just and fair principles and standards that are enunciated in the UNESCO Convention and that can be  deployed against US cultural imperialism and the WTO.  But  there is no administrative or judicial venue offered by the UN, UNESCO or by any government for winning a case against the WTO and US cultural imperialism.  What is needed is a powerful mass movement of the artists, cultural workers and media workers and the broad masses of the people for the revolutionary transformation of all major aspects of society—socio-economic, political and cultural.

Thank you.

30 K farmers from Southern Tagalog signed petition calling for passage of new agrarian law

Sa pagkakaisa ng mga magsasaka ng Hacienda Yulo sa ilalim ng SAMANA-Buntog, itinayo ang protest camp na ito para igiit ang kanilang karapatan para sa lupang hacienda. Sa kabila ng panghahati ng hacienderong Yulo at pagtatayo nito ng mga huwad, mapagkompromiso at anti-magsasakang organisasyon sa loob din mismo ng hacienda, pagtatayo ng detachment ng militar sa loob ng hacienda, at tuwirang pandarahas sa mga magsasaka, napagtagumpayan ng SAMANA-Buntog na hindi mapapasok ang mga militar na dala ni Architect na si Dan Calvo, ang sugo ng hacienderong Yulo sa panlilinlang sa mga magsasaka ng hacienda.

AUGUST 5, 2011


 [Press release lifted from KASAMA-TK Facebook page.

30-K farmers from Southern Tagalog signed petition calling for passage of new agrarian law


MANILA, Philippines- Ten thousand (10,000) farmers from different provinces of Southern Tagalog signed a Peasant Manifesto urging both chambers of Congress to repeal Republic Act 9700 or the extended Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program with reforms (Carper) law and instead replace Carper with a new and progressive land reform program pending before the House of Representatives known as House Bill 374 or the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB).

The extended CARP law or RA 9700 was signed on August 7, 2009 by former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Its main authors were Albay Rep. Edcel Lagman and former Akbayan Rep. Riza Hontiveros-Baraquel during the 14 session of Philippine Congress.

On other hand, GARB seeks to distribute for free all agricultural lands to landless tillers and those willing to till, involving private lands and lands controlled by feudal monopolies such as the 6,453 hectare Hacienda Luisita owned by the family of President Benigno Simeon Aquino and other similar haciendas such as Hacienda Yulo in Nasugbu, Batangas and Hacienda Yulo in Laguna province.

At a rally at Mendiola bridge coinciding with the third year of extended CARP,  leaders of Southern Tagalog based Katipunan ng mga Samahang Magbubukid sa Timog Katagalugan (Kasama-TK), the regional chapter of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) said about 10,000 farmers from Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal, Quezon, Mindoro Occidental and Mindoro Oriental, Palawan and Romblon provinces signed the petition endorsing the urgent deliberation and eventual passage of HB 374 authored by progressive party list representatives headed by Anakpawis party list congressman Rafael Mariano.

2004, sa gitna ng isang matagumpay na welgang magbubukid, pinagbabaril ng mga militar at pulis ang mga welgista ng Hacienda Luisita bilang desperadong hakbang mga Cojuangco-Aquino. Pito ang namatay at maraming iba pa ang sugatan. Hanggang sa ngayon, hindi pa naigagawad ang katarungan sa mga biktima.

Kasama-TK spokesperson Nelson Villanueva said the 10,000 signatories in the peasant manifesto reflected the collective interest and sentiment of farmers across Region IV and the same applies to many farmers in different regions.

‘The message is clear. Our farmers are demanding free land distribution as addressed by HB 374 or the GARB. The lawmakers should do their assignment and uphold the class interest of millions of farmers and rural people with the repeal of Carper and the passage of HB 374,” the Kasama-TK said in statement.

The peasant manifesto bearing more than 10,000 signatures was delivered and presented on Wednesday to the House Committee on Agrarian Reform chaired by Negros Oriental Rep. Henry Pryde Teves, hours before the House Committee on Appropriations tackled the proposed P 17.92 billion budget of the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) for 2012.

According to DAR, the agency needs P 545.9 million in Southern Tagalog alone for 2012 to cover its backlogs on land acquisition and distribution in the region involving not less than 50,000 hectares of undistributed lands.

DAR’s accomplishment report revealed that from 1972 – 2010, the department allegedly distributed 164,306 hectares in Region IV-A and 165,912 hectares in Region IV-B, but Kasama-TK said DAR was not truthful to its report, asserting that the Southern Tagalog region has been a major laboratory for land-use conversions since the time of the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos.

Kasama-TK asserted that vast hectares of farmlands have been transformed into industrial enclaves, commercial centers and so-called ecotourism projects such as golf courses, courtesy of the provisions of CARP.

Kamakailan, naging pasya ng Korte Suprema ang pagkakaroon ng referendum panig sa kahilingan ng Hacienda Luisita Inc. management upang pagpiliin pa rin ang mga manggagawang bukid ng Luisita kung stocks o lupa ang ipapamahagi.

The regional peasant alliance said a total of 394,884 hectares in Southern Tagalog are still locked in agrarian disputes, which shows that the number agrarian cases in the region are far bigger and put into question the so-called accomplishment of DAR. #


For Reference: AXEL PINPIN, KASAMA-Timog Katagalugan Secretary General

Sham Principles, Sham Student Leaders: ANAKBAYAN UPD on ALYANSA’s Anti-Farmer Stance

“ALYANSA for Distribution of Hacienda Luisita Lands, CARPER implementation.”

 Statement lifted from STAND UP Facebook account

This shocking and contradictory statement about the recent Supreme Court decision on Hacienda Luisita came from a distributed newsletter by UP Alyansa. In a credit-seeking manner, the party claims to side with the Luisita farmers while at the same time, calls for the implementation of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program with Extension and Reforms (CARPER).

May we remind these pseudo-progressives, that the CARPER itself enabled the SC to decide in favor of a sham referendum. The fabled stock distribution option (SDO) in Chapter 1 Section 3.a of the former CARP Law was maintained in the CARPER version.

“SECTION 3. Definitions. – For the purpose of this Act, unless the context indicates otherwise:

(a) Agrarian Reform means the redistribution of lands…. such as production or profit-sharing, labor administration, and the distribution of shares of stock …”

That being said, it is contradictory to support the implementation of CARPER and side with the Luisita Farmers. The CARPER also strengthened the landlords’ powers. Before distributing the lands, CARPER requires a sworn statement from the landlord that says that the beneficiaries are indeed tenants on his/her land. This effectively gives the landlord powers to decide who the beneficiaries are or if ever s/he’s going to put any beneficiaries at all! CARPER, therefore, will worsen farmer landlessness!

Sec. 22 of CARPER also maintained the legitimization of Land Use Conversion used by landlords to escape from actual distribution of lands to beneficiaries. More farmlands will be converted to subdivisions, golf courses, malls etc, instead of being given to the beneficiaries.

Not to mention that the decades old of implementation yielded no real agrarian reform in the countryside. Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) states that 7 out of 10 farmers do not own the land they till today, telling us the real situation of land distribution under the CARP and CARPER: land is still in the hand of the landlords and peasants still work without tasting the real fruits of their labor.

Free riding on issues without critical analysis should be shunned, at the same time; the politics of credit-seeking without concrete and effective action should be exposed and neutralized. To make the long story short, we challenge these sham student leaders to stop exercising Traditional Politics (TRAPO) and serve the students and the Filipino people genuinely without expecting rewards.

It is in this light that ANAKBAYAN UP Diliman condemns this apparent deception of the Iskolars ng Bayan. We challenge Alyansa to retract their support of the CARPER if they are to truly side with the Hacienda Luisita farmworkers.





Manifesto of Unity

We declare that education as a constitutionally-guaranteed human right is a just struggle of the Filipino youth and students and of the Filipino people as well. With the understanding of the current education that is colonial, commercialized and fascist, it results in an education system that is irresponsive of the needs of the Filipino people for a genuine national development. Thus, we believe that in order to achieve genuine education reforms, the government must create a pro-people national budget allocation that suffices for the basic social services, including education.

            With the government’s mis-prioritization of education and other social services, three of 12 State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) in Southern Tagalog region including University of the Philippines System (P 208M), Batangas State University (P 5.8M) and Cavite State University (P 10.5M) suffered decrease on both maintenance and other operating expenditures and personal services. Further, capital outlay remains to receive nothing leaving us with no infrastructural development and acquisitions for all SUCs.

Other social services such as health and housing also share a continuously decreasing budget that result in a dismal state of the Filipino people. Housing services is allotted with only P 5.6B the same as last year to cater not for the hundreds of thousands of families dislocated from their settlements, but for the members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. Health services increased to P 49.9B from the current P 36B, but remains insufficient to attend the increasing demand for health units and health workers.

Thereby, we call for a pro-people budget allocation on basic social services that will cater to needs of the Filipino people. We assert that the government must re-channel the biggest share of the general budget to education and other basic social services instead of debt servicing. We detest any schemes and tactics to further increase military spending, pork barrel and other band-aid programs of the government.

We remain that through forging unities and solidarities among students, parents, teachers, educators and all other stakeholders through engaging in various forms of activities and generating widest network of people with the same advocacy that the advancement of genuine national development will be realized.

Intensify our fight against Aquino administration’s mis-prioritization of education and other basic social services!

Fight for a pro-people National Budget allocation!

Spokesperson: Allen Lemuel G. Lemence

Contact details: +63927.277.1096; saveoureducationmovt@gmail.com

This was signed by 83 concerned individuals during the Convention of SAVE OUR EDUCATION MOVEMENT last August 2, 2011. Anakbayan-Southern Tagalog is the primary convenor of SAVE OUR EDUCATION MOVEMENT.